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FeaturedWorld

Africa’s 10 Military Coups Since 2020 and Their Impact

ideemlawful profile1iDeemlawful November 29, 2025
ideemlawful profile1iDeemlawful

Africa has recorded at least 10 military takeovers in the past five years, disrupting democratic processes across the continent. The latest occurred in Guinea-Bissau, where a military junta seized power and halted elections just hours before the electoral commission was expected to announce presidential results.

The development has triggered widespread condemnation, with regional blocs and foreign governments demanding a swift return to democratic rule.

ECOWAS has already suspended Guinea-Bissau from all decision-making bodies, while observer missions from the African Union and ECOWAS described the coup as an effort to derail the country’s fragile path to stability.

With this latest incident, Africa has now witnessed 10 coups since 2020, including two in Burkina Faso in 2022.

Here is a timeline of coups on the continent since 2020.

  1. Mali

In August 2020, five military colonels removed President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita from office. In May 2021, the same military faction toppled the interim civilian government.

Colonel Assimi Goita, who led both takeovers, became transitional leader. Elections set for February 2024 were postponed indefinitely due to persistent jihadist attacks.

By July 2025, Goita enacted a law granting himself a five-year renewable presidential term. Since September, jihadist groups have imposed a fuel blockade that has weakened the junta.

  1. Chad

Following the battlefield death of President Idriss Deby in April 2021, the military bypassed constitutional succession, dissolved parliament, and installed his son, Mahamat Kaka Deby, as interim leader.

He secured his position through a disputed presidential election in 2024.

  1. Guinea

On September 5, 2021, a group of soldiers led by Lieutenant-Colonel Mamady Doumbouya ousted President Alpha Condé.

Doumbouya later announced his intention to contest the December 28, 2025 election meant to restore civilian rule.

  1. Sudan

On October 25, 2021, after prolonged disagreements between civilian and military leaders, army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan staged a takeover.

Since April 2023, fighting between Burhan’s forces and the Rapid Support Forces has killed tens of thousands, creating a major humanitarian disaster.

  1. Burkina Faso

The country saw two coups in 2022. In January, soldiers led by Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba ousted President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré.

By September, Damiba himself was removed, and Captain Ibrahim Traoré became transitional leader. Elections never took place, and in May 2024, the junta extended Traoré’s rule for another five years amid escalating Islamist violence.

  1. Niger

On July 26, 2023, the presidential guard deposed President Mohamed Bazoum. General Abdourahamane Tiani, its commander, assumed power.

In March 2025, the junta extended the transition by at least five years as the country continued to face militant attacks.

  1. Gabon

After 55 years of Bongo family rule, the military toppled President Ali Bongo Ondimba on August 30, 2023, shortly after he was declared the election winner amid allegations of fraud.

General Brice Oligui Nguema became transitional leader and was formally elected in April 2025 with 94.85% support following a new constitution adopted by referendum.

  1. Madagascar

In October 2025, the military removed President Andry Rajoelina after weeks of anti-government protests driven largely by “Gen Z” activists. Colonel Michael Randrianirina was sworn in and promised elections within 18–24 months.

  1. Guinea-Bissau

Guinea-Bissau, long prone to instability, witnessed another coup on Wednesday, November 26, when military officers announced on national television that they had deposed President Umaro Sissoco Embalo, suspended elections, and taken over state institutions.

The African Union and ECOWAS condemned the takeover, but the junta has remained in control, plunging the country back into uncertainty.

The surge of coups across Africa underscores the fragile political landscape in several regions. Nations across West Africa, the Sahel, and parts of the Indian Ocean have grappled with insecurity, disputed elections, weak institutions, and public frustration. Though each nation’s crisis differs, the outcomes are similar—delayed transitions, unrest, and citizens left uncertain about their future.

These developments raise difficult questions about democratic resilience, governance, and regional stability. While AU and ECOWAS continue calling for a return to constitutional rule, the real challenge is whether affected nations can rebuild trust, strengthen institutions, and restore civilian leadership.

For now, Africa’s political trajectory remains uncertain, but understanding how these coups evolved provides crucial context for the challenges ahead.

November 29, 2025 0 comments
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Featured

Uncertainties as Military rulers of Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso Exit ECOWAS , gives reasons and Next line of action

ideemlawful profile1iDeemlawful January 29, 2025
ideemlawful profile1iDeemlawful

From this day forward, Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso are no longer members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

This withdrawal will significantly impact regional cooperation in trade and security, which is already facing challenges.

On Sunday, the military rulers of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) with immediate effect, three days before the deadline for their departure.

This departure has reduced the regional economic bloc from 15 to 12 members.

The indications

The three countries had on January 28, last year, jointly indicated their decision to withdraw their membership from the bloc, for a rival confederation – the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

They accused the leadership of the ECOWAS bloc, led by Nigeria, of constituting a threat to their sovereignty and people by coming under the influence of foreign powers, and allegedly betraying its founding principles.

Going by the regional protocols, the letter takes effect today, and the entire region is apprehensive over the likely implications of their exit on the region and on individual countries, particularly those who share common borders with them.

Implications

Stakeholders reckon that Niger’s exit, for instance, may likely create a power vacuum in the region.

This could be exploited by extremist groups as the country has been a key player in regional counter-terrorism efforts, particularly in the fight against Boko Haram and other extremist groups operating in the Sahel.

The implication is that without Niger’s participation, ECOWAS’s ability to coordinate regional security efforts will be severely impaired.

Already, the French military’s withdrawal from the Sahel has heightened concerns over the conflicts spreading southward to Gulf of Guinea states like Ghana, Togo, Benin and Ivory Coast.

The exit will also impact a borderless region agenda of ECOWAS.

According to the 2023 Africa Visa Openness Report, 97 per cent of ECOWAS country-to-country travel routes require no visa for regional individuals. Because people of the three Sahel states trade with West African countries and other nations, they are likely to lose these rights, unless they are protected by separate bilateral agreements.

In addition, with the trio’s exit, the remaining members may begin to levy import duties or require visas from their citizens.

Collaterals

The ‘divorce’ has more collateral damages. The Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Strategic Communications and Communications Adviser to the President on ECOWAS Commission, Linda Akhigbe, noted that there are at least 132 citizens of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, serving in different ECOWAS institutions, who are likely to lose their jobs.

Similarly, ECOWAS institutions in those countries also risk a shutdown.

These include the West African Health Organisation (WAHO), ECOWAS Centre for Water Resources and ECOWAS Youth and Sports Development Centre, all in Burkina Faso.

Others include ECOWAS Resident Representative in Mali and Niger as well as ECOWAS Regional Food Security Reserve situated in the countries.

“So, there is going to be closure of the regional food security reserves in these three countries and as a consequence of the withdrawal of AES from ECOWAS, the employment of their citizens would be terminated. It is unattainable to maintain them due to the circumstances.

They will also exit the Inter-Governmental Action Group Against Money Laundering in West Africa (GIABA), and you know how important GIABA is in terms of dealing with financial crimes and all that. Even though the AES countries have requested to remain in GIABA, this needs to be seen.

EBID-

“We also have the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID), which is a financial institution that facilitates wealth creation, economic growth and industrialisation for the well-being of the community members.

There is going to be a halting of EBID’s development programmes and projects in these three countries, including the over $3 million credit facility granted Mali’s main bank,” the SSA said.

She feared that the exit would take its toll on humanitarian interventions, including peacekeeping, humanitarian aid and regional integration and development initiatives.

Speaking further on the consequences of the countries’ decision to leave, a public affairs analyst, Mr Paul Ejime, pointed out that informal trade by itinerant traders would be grossly affected.

GDP-

In 2022, total trade volumes, including imports and exports, from the ECOWAS region to the rest of the world totalled $277.22 billion, according to data from the region’s Trade Information System (ECOTIS) portal.

Total exports from ECOWAS were worth $131.36 billion. Burkina Faso contributed $4.55 billion out of this number; Mali exported $3.91 billion worth of goods; and trade with the rest of the world accounted for $446.14 million.

Mali’s imports were worth $6.45 billion, Burkina Faso $5.63 billion, and Niger $3.79 billion.

While the economies of the three countries account for just eight per cent of ECOWAS GDP, withdrawing from ECOWAS may amount to the countries condemning themselves to economic isolation.

Ejime added that without a regional bloc to project a common front, the three countries might also find it difficult to benefit from global bodies such as the European Union (EU) or Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), which prefer to deal with African regional blocs.

“The idea is that instead of dealing individually with 15 ECOWAS member-states, they come under one umbrella, which is easier. So, their exit will reduce ECOWAS projection in terms of trade and exchanges.

Although their contributions might not be huge compared to Nigeria, it will further diminish what comes from the region, especially when compared with other seven regional blocs within the continent,” Ejime said.

At a time when the region was in dire need of funds for the execution of developmental projects, it will be losing the yearly contributions (calculated on the Gross National Income (GNI) of each member state) of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso.

Despite the countries’ low contribution due to their poor economy, it was impactful to the running of the body.

AFCFTA

There is also fear that a broken ECOWAS bloc may encroach on the effective implementation of the five-year-old African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The full implementation of the AfCFTA agreement is projected to increase real incomes by seven per cent, or nearly $450 billion.

Since the three countries are bound by the provisions of the regional and continental treaties, including the AfCFTA, their exit may complicate and weaken the pillars of the agreements.

Trade Integration

A Professor of Accounting and Financial Development at Lead City University, Ibadan, Godwin Oyedokun, expressed worries that the trio’s exit could decrease trade integration.

Considering that ECOWAS plays a crucial role in facilitating trade among its member-states, Oyedokun added that the departure of these countries could disrupt existing trade agreements and inhibit the flow of goods and services, which are essential for the success of AfCFTA.

Since AfCFTA aims at creating a single continental market for goods and services, such exit may lead to a “fragmentation of markets” making it more challenging to establish uniform tariffs and regulations across the continent.

Oyedokun added that the political climate in the three countries may also affect regional stability and cooperation.

“If these nations are facing internal conflicts or governance issues, it could undermine collaborative efforts needed for AfCFTA’s implementation.

The exiting countries may also experience economic isolation, which could lead to reduced foreign investment and hinder their economic growth. This isolation may also limit their ability to engage in trade negotiations effectively within the AfCFTA framework.”

While the exit may have a negative effect on the harmonious working of the bloc, others have equally opined that the three exiting countries stand to lose more from their actions than the region.

A former consultant to the ECOWAS Commission and a member of the Advisory Council, Nigerian Economic Summit Group, Professor Jonathan Aremu, maintained that breaking away from the three French-speaking countries would hurt them more than it would hurt the rest of West Africa.

Aremu said: “The only way ECOWAS member-states may be affected is in the implementation of some of the trade agreements within the sub-region, such as trades across borders and other economic relationships, which they also signed before these countries pulled out. But as far as AfCFTA is concerned, they will be the losers,” he said.

Furthermore, many supply chains in West Africa have over the years, relied on cooperation among ECOWAS members and disintegration may disrupt the supply chains and consequently, affect production and distribution networks that are crucial for regional and broader continental trade.

In as much as Nigeria repented of its sanctions against Niger and expressed sadness over the three countries’ departure from the bloc which it hosts, and deployed several strategies to appease them to change their mind on the exit plan, a statement from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs had nevertheless, reiterated the country’s stance with ECOWAS in upholding due process and sharing commitment to protect and strengthen the rights and welfare of all citizens of member states.

The statement held that Nigeria had worked in good faith to reach out to all members of the bloc towards resolving their challenges but the actions of the exiting countries buttressed that not all members shared “the same good faith.”

Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger were founding members of ECOWAS back in 1975, but the regional group had imposed sanctions on them following military coups that overthrew elected civilian governments

January 29, 2025 0 comments
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mali junta expels french ambassador over "outrageous comments"
Featured

Mali Junta Expels French Ambassador Over “Outrageous Comments”

ideemlawful profile1iDeemlawful January 31, 2022
ideemlawful profile1iDeemlawful

Mali’s Military government on Monday expelled the French ambassador with deadline of 72 hours to leave the country over “outrageous” comments by the French authorities about its transitional government, it said in a statement read on national television.

French foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian said on Friday that Mali’s ruling junta was “out of control” amid escalating tensions between the West African state and its European partners over military cooperation and elections.

He also called the junta illegitimate. French defense minister Florence Parly said on Saturday French troops would not stay in Mali if the price were too high.

“The French ambassador to Bamako was summoned and notified of a decision by the government inviting him to leave the national territory within 72 hours following hostile and outrageous comments by the French foreign affairs minister recently,” the government statement said. (Reporting by Paul Lorgerie and Tiemoko Diallo; Writing by Nellie Peyton Editing by Bate Felix and Gareth Jones)

January 31, 2022 0 comments
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